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Gujarat (along with Bombay) has perhaps the largest number of caste associations and they are also more active and wealthy compared to those in other regions. Systematic study of small caste divisions in villages as well as in towns still awaits the attention of sociologists and anthropologists. While we do get evidence of fission of caste divisions of a higher order into two or more divisions of a lower order, the mere existence of divisions of a lower order should not be taken as evidence of fission in a division of a higher order. While certain first-order divisions were found mainly in towns, the population of certain other first-order divisions was dispersed in villages as well as in towns, the population of the rural and the urban sections differing from one division to another. Created Date: Fortunately, they have now started writing about it (see Rao 1974). To take one sensitive area of purity/pollution behaviour, the concern for observance of rules of commensality has greatly declined not only in urban but also in rural areas. Let me illustrate briefly. Both Borradaile and Campbell were probably mixing up small endogamous units of various kinds. Frequently, marriages were arranged in contravention of a particular rule after obtaining the permission of the council of leaders and paying a penalty in advance. Patel is a surname of the Koli caste of Gujarat in India which have most importance in the politics of Gujarat and Koli Patels of Saurashtra was most benefited under the rule of Indian National Congress party. There is enormous literature on these caste divisions from about the middle of the 19th century which includes census reports, gazetteers, [] The Brahmans and Vanias seem to have had the largest number of divisions as mentioned earlier, about eighty in the former and about forty in the latter. The emphasis on being different and separate rather than on being higher and lower was even more marked in the relationship among the forty or so second-order divisions. <>/ExtGState<>/ProcSet[/PDF/Text/ImageB/ImageC/ImageI] >>/Annots[ 9 0 R] /MediaBox[ 0 0 612 792] /Contents 4 0 R/Group<>/Tabs/S/StructParents 0>> This reflects the high degree of divisiveness in castes in Gujarat. Frequently, a division among Vanias corresponded to a division among Brahmans. The idea of inter-caste marriage is, moreover, linked with the idea of creating such a society involves a compromise with, if not subtle negation of, the ideal. Since Rajput as a caste occurred all over northern, central and western India (literally, it means rulers son, ruling son), the discussion of Rajputs in Gujarat will inevitably draw us into their relationship with Rajputs in other regions. Asking different questions and using different methods are necessary. Some of the other such divisions were Kathi, Dubla, Rabari, Bharwad, Mer (see Trivedi 1961), Vaghri, Machhi, Senwa, Vanzara, and Kharwa. For example, there were Khedawal Brahmans but not Khedawal Vanias, and Lad Vanias but no Lad Brahmans. On this Wikipedia the language links are at the top of the page across from the article title. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. They are described by the ruling elite as robbers, dacoits, marauders, predators and the like. Use census records and voter lists to . It owned corporate property, usually in the form of vadis (large buildings used for holding feasts and festivals, accommodating wedding guests, and holding meetings), huge utensils for cooking feasts, and money received as fees and fines. Moreover, some leading Anavils did not wish to be bothered about Brahman status, saying that they were just Anavil. There are thus a few excellent studies of castes as horizontal units. All this trade encouraged development of trading and commercial towns in the rest of Gujarat, even in the highland area. Caste associations in Gujarat were formed mainly among upper castes to provide welfare (including recreation), to promote modern education, and to bring about reforms in caste customs. It is possible that there were a few divisions each confined to just one large city and, therefore, not having the horizontal dimension at all. The Khedawals, numbering 15,000 to 20,000 in 1931 were basically priests but many of them were also landowners, government officials, and traders. But there were also others who did not wield any power. In no other nation has something as basic as one's clothing or an act as simple as spinning cotton become so intertwined with a national movement. The existence of flexibility at both the levels was made possible by the flexibility of the category Rajput. A new view of the whole, comprising the rural and the urban and the various orders of caste divisions, should be evolved. Image Guidelines 5. The Kayatias main occupation was to perform a ritual on the eleventh day after death, during which they took away offerings made to ghosts: this was the main cause of their extremely low status among Brahmans. The boundaries of caste division were fairly clear in the village community. They were found in almost every village in plains Gujarat and in many villages in Saurashtra and Kachchh. Frequently, social divisions were neatly expressed in street names. They have been grouped in Vaishya category of Varna system. To have a meaningful understanding of the system of caste divisions, there is no alternative but to understand the significance of each order of division and particularly the nature of their boundaries and maintenance mechanisms. Roughly, while in the plains area villages are nucleated settlements, populated by numerous castes, in the highland area villages are dispersed settlements, populated by tribes and castes of tribal origin. Division and Hierarchy: An Overview of Caste in Gujarat Dowry not only continues to be a symbol of status in the new hierarchy but is gradually replacing bride price wherever it existed, and dowry amounts are now reaching astronomical heights. If the Varna divisions are taken into account, then this would add one more order to the four orders of caste divisions considered above. For example, a good number of villages in central Gujarat used to have both Talapada and Pardeshi Kolis and Brahmans belonging to two or three of their many second-order divisions. 4 GUJARAT 4273 SHODA . How many sub-divisions existed in the various divisions of the various orders is a matter of empirical investigation. The error is further compounded whenalthough this is less commonthe partial, rural model of traditional caste is compared with the present urban situation, and conclusions are drawn about overall change. Simultaneously, there is gradual decline in the strength of the principle of hierarchy, particularly of ritual hierarchy expressed in purity and pollution. This account of the divisions is based on various sources, but mainly on Bombay Gazetteer (1901). Pages in category "Social groups of Gujarat" The following 157 pages are in this category, out of 157 total. Usually, the latter were distinguished from one another by prohibition. Further, during this lengthy process of slow amalgamation those who will marry in defiance of the barriers of sub-caste, will still be imbued with caste mentality (1932: 184). Since these were all status categories rather than clear- cut divisions, I have not considered them as constituting third-order divisions. The incidence of exchange marriages and of bachelors in the lowest stratum among the Anavils also was high. In the meanwhile, it is important to note that there does not seem to have been any attempt to form small endogamous units (ekdas, gols) at any level among the Rajputs unlike attempts made as we shall see, among some other hypergamous castes in Gujarat. The indigenous Kolis in the highland area of Pal in eastern Gujarat were called Palia, but there was another smaller population of KoUs, who were locally called Baria but were actually Talapada immigrants from central Gujarat. The weavers were forced into selling exclusively to the British at extremely low rates, pushing them into poverty. History. The urban centres in both the areas, it is hardly necessary to mention, are nucleated settlements populated by numerous caste and religious groups. In the second kind of area, indigenous Kolis live side-by-side with immigrant Kolis from an adjoining area. //]]>. For example, all Vania divisions were divided into a number of ekdas or gols. Third, although two or more new endogamous units came into existence and marriage between them was forbidden thereafter, a number of pre-existing kinship and affinal relationships continued to be operative between them. Many of them became the norm-setting elite for Gujaratis in the homeland. I have not yet come across an area where Kolis from three or more different areas live together, excepting modern, large towns and cities. Even the archaeological surveys and studies have indicated that the people of Dholavira, Surkotada. It is argued that the various welfare programmes of each caste association, such as provision of medical facilities, scholarships and jobs for caste members contribute, in however small a way, to the solution of the nations problems. In fact, inter-tad marriages have increased so much that the tads have more or less lost their identity and such marriages are no longer considered as violating the rule of tad endogamy. The above brief analysis of change in caste in modern Gujarat has, I hope, indicated that an overall view of changes in caste in modern India should include a careful study of changes in rural as well as in urban areas in relation to their past. An important idea behind the activities of caste associations is: service to ones caste is service to the nation. He stresses repeatedly the primacy of the principle of hierarchy-epitomized in the title of his book. We shall return to this issue later. Indeed, a major achievement of Indian sociology during the last thirty years or so has been deeper understanding of caste in the village context in particular and of its hierarchical dimension in general. In particular, the implications of the co-existence of lower-order divisions within a higher- order division in the same town or city should be worked out. For example, among Vanias in a large town like Ahmedabad many of the thirty or forty second-order divisions (such as Khadayata, Modh, Porwad, Shrimali, and so on) were represented. I will not discuss the present situation in detail but indicate briefly how the above discussion could be useful for understanding a few important changes in modern times. Similarly, in Saurashtra, the Talapadas were distinguished from the Chumvalias, immigrants from the Chumval tract in north Gujarat. This meant that he could marry a girl of any subdivision within the Vania division. Since after expansion of British textile markets and decline of Indian textile industry Vankars suffered a lot. There was also another important correlation. Prohibited Content 3. The complex was provided a certain coherence and integrityin the pre- industrial time of slow communicationby a number of oral and literate traditions cultivated by cultural specialists such as priests, bards, genealogists and mythographers (see in this connection Shah and Shroff 1958). Although some of them set up shops in villages they rarely became full-fledged members of the village community. The name, Talapada, meaning mdigenous, commonly used in the 19th century, is most clear, since it is clearly distinguished from the other division called Pardeshi, meaning foreign, who during the last one or two centuries immigrated here from the area around Patan in north Gujarat and were, therefore, also called Patan- wadias. There were Brahman and Vania divisions of the same name, the myths about both of them were covered by a single text. So far we have considered first-order divisions with large and widely spread populations. Moreover, the king himself belonged to some caste (not just to the Kshatriya Varna) and frequently a number of kings belonged to the same caste (e.g., Rajput). On the other hand, there was an almost simultaneous spurt in village studies. The main thrust of Pococks paper is that greater emphasis on difference rather than on hierarchy is a feature of caste among overseas Indians and in modern urban India. If the first-order divisions are called jatis and castes, the second-order divisions would be called sub-jatis or sub-castes. I do not, however, have sufficient knowledge of the latter and shall, therefore, confine myself mainly to Rajputs in Gujarat. In a paper on Caste among Gujaratis in East Africa, Pocock (1957b) raised pointedly the issue of the relative importance of the principles of division (he called it difference) and hierarchy. This bulk also was characterized by hierarchy, with the relatively advanced population living in the plains at one end and the backward population living along with the tribal population in the highlands at the other end. At the other end were castes in which the principle of division had free play and the role of the principle of hierarchy was limited. I have done field work in two contiguous parts of Gujarat: central Gujarat (Kheda district and parts of Ahmedabad and Baroda districts) and eastern Gujarat (Panchmahals district). These linkages played an important role in the traditional social structure as well as in the processes of change in modern India. Because of these two major factors, one economic and the other political, Gujarat at the beginning of the 19th century had a large urban population, distributed over a large number of small towns. For example, there were two ekdas, each with a large section resident in a large town and small sections resident in two or three neighbouring small towns. They wrote about the traditional Indian village, but not about the traditional Indian town. I have bits and pieces of information about relations between a considerable numbers of other lower-order divisions in their respective higher-order divisions. The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of the lower orders within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. Frequently, The ekdas or gols were each divided into groups called tads (split). The Hindu population of Gujarat was divided first of all into what I have called caste divisions of the first order. At one end there were castes in which the principle of hierarchy had free play and the role of the principle of division was limited. Inclusion of a lower-order division in a higher-order one and distinction between various divisions in a certain order was not as unambiguous. Second, there used to be intense intra-ekda politics, and tads were formed as a result of some continuing conflict among ekda leaders and over the trial of violation of ekda rules. This was about 22% of all the recorded Mehta's in USA. Although the name of a Brahman or Vania division might be based on a place name, the division was not territorial in nature. The purpose is not to condemn village studies, as is caste in a better perspective after deriving insights from village studies. The small town sections therefore separated themselves from the respective large town sections and formed a new ekda. Even if we assume, for a moment, that the basic nature of a structure or institution was the same, we need to know its urban form or variant. I have discussed above caste divisions in Gujarat mainly in the past, roughly in the middle of the 19th century. Although my knowledge is fragmentary, I thought it was worthwhile to put together the bits and pieces for the region as a whole. In most parts of Gujarat it merged into the various second-order divisions of the Koli division and possible also into the widespread tribe of Bhils. www.opendialoguemediations.com. Most of the other eighty or so second-order divisions among Brahmans, however, seem to be subdivided the way the Vania second-order divisions were subdivided into third-order and fourth-order divisions. Usually it consisted of wealthy and powerful lineages, distinguishing themselves by some appellation, such as Patidar among the Leva Kanbi, Desai among the Anavil, and Baj among the Khedawal. Many of them claimed that they were Brahmans but this claim was not accepted by most established Brahmans. Similarly, the Vanias were divided into such divisions as Disawal, Kapol, Khadayata, Lad, Modh, Nagar, Nima, Porwad, Shirmali, Vayada, and Zarola. Not only that, there were also third-order divisions (i.e., ekdas) in one or more second-order divisions, and finally one or more fourth-order divisions (i.e., tads) in one or more third-order divisions. The most important of them was the Koli division, which was, the largest division and mainly included small landholders, tenants and labourers. Frequently, each such unit had a patron deity, housed in a large shrine, with elaborate arrangements for its ownership. They then spread to towns in the homeland and among all castes. Britain's Industrial Revolution was built on the de-industrialisation of India - the destruction of Indian textiles and their replacement by manufacturing in England, using Indian raw materials and exporting the finished products back to India and even the rest of the world. Hypergamy was accompanied by sanskritization of at least a section of the tribal population, their claim to the Kshatriya Varna and their economic and political symbiosis with the caste population. There was also a third category called Pancha, derived from the word punch (meaning 5) and denoting extremely low Vania. Similarly, although the number of marriages between the second-order divisions in the Vania division, i.e., between Khadayata, Modh, Shrimali, Lad, Vayada, etc., has been increasing, the majority of marriages take place within the respective second-order divisions. For example, among almost every Vania division there was a dual division into Visa and Dasa: Visa Nagar and Dasa Nagar, Visa Lad and Dasa Lad, Visa Modh and Dasa Modh, Visa Khadayata and Dasa Khadayata, and so on. Real Estate Software Dubai > blog > manvar surname caste in gujarat. The two together formed a single complex of continental dimension. There was also another kind of feast, called bhandaro, where Brahmans belonging to a lesser number of divisions (say, all the few in a small town) were invited. Copyright 10. This category has the following 18 subcategories, out of 18 total. Report a Violation, Caste Stratification: Changing Rural Caste Stratification, Caste in Rural India: Specificities of Caste in Rural Society. Most of the second-order divisions were further divided into third-order divisions. The Kayasthas and Brahma-Kshatriyas, the so- called writer castes, employed mainly in the bureaucracy, and the Vahivancha Barots, genealogists and mythographers, were almost exclusively urban castes. It will readily be agreed that the sociological study of Indian towns and cities has not made as much progress as has the study of Indian villages. The hierarchy, however, was very gradual and lacked sharpness. Briefly, while the Varna model was significant in the total dynamics of the caste system to fit the numerous first-order divisions into the four-fold Varna model in any part of India is impossible, and, therefore, to consider varnas as caste divisions as such is meaningless. I am not suggesting that the principle of hierarchy was insignificant in the inter- or intra-caste relations in urban centres. In all there were thirty to forty such divisions. Of particular importance seems to be the fact that a section of the urban population was more or less isolatedsome may say, alienatedfrom the rural masses from generation to generation. But this is not enough. The highest stratum among the Leva Kanbi tried to maintain its position by practising polygyny and female infanticide, among other customs and institutions, as did the highest stratum among the Rajput.